ABSTRACT
The entry of women in politics still faces barriers at both the national and provincial level in India. They are often not given party tickets to represent their political party. If it is not as an independent candidate, it is hard for women to enter politics. In local governance, women have begun to appear because seats are reserved for them. However, in other areas of governance, state or central, women’s participation as candidates is still very low. Their participation in politics in the Autonomous District Council area of the state of Mizoram, since the Pawi-Lakher Regional Council era, has also lagged behind, as their participation in the three Autonomous District Councils of Mizoram is still not convincing. Women hardly have a chance to become legislators if they are not chosen for the nominated seats. They are not given much encouragement to contest the three Autonomous District Councils, even by political parties that function within the Autonomous District Councils.
KEYWORDS
Autonomous District Council, Pawi-Lakher Regional Council, Sixth Schedule, Women in Politics
Women’s political participation is one of the most widely discussed topics in India. There is a notion among the people that women are not supposed to be involved in politics in India because it is a patriarchal nation. Despite the fact that India has a woman President, a past Prime Minister, and past and present Chief Ministers and Members of Parliament in both houses of Parliament, as well as Governors, Members of the Legislative Assembly, Panchayati Raj, and urban local bodies, women as a whole have only voted, and some have acted as campaigners rather than standing up to fight for their position against men. Participating in politics is vital for women, and the empowerment of their own gender. The national government has made every effort to increase women’s political participation. Article 326 of the Indian Constitution provides the right to vote for all citizens who are above the age of eighteen years.[1]
In India, the Constitutional provision of universal adult suffrage allows all citizens, both men and women, who have attained the age of eighteen, to vote in elections. As a result, women’s participation as voters is highly visible across the country, and in many regions women voters even outnumber males. However, women’s representation as candidates in various political institutions remains significantly lower. This gap is largely due to unequal opportunities within political parties, where men are often prioritized over women when it comes to issuing party tickets. In a deeply patriarchal society like India, men are still widely perceived as more capable leaders, which influences party decisions and public perception. Moreover, running as an independent candidate without the backing of a political party poses additional challenges. Political parties have strong grassroots influence, and voters are more likely to support candidates affiliated with established parties. As a result, women without party support find it difficult to gain visibility and credibility among the electorate. This structural imbalance continues to hinder women’s full participation in electoral politics, despite their growing engagement as voters and increasing awareness of their political rights.
1. Constitutional Provisions and Provincial Initiatives
The Government of India has taken several important initiatives to enhance the inclusion of women in decision-making bodies, particularly in local governance. A major step in this direction was the enactment of the Constitution (Seventy-Third Amendment) Act, 1992, which is included in Part IX (Articles 243A to 243O) of the Indian Constitution, and listed in the Eleventh Schedule.[2] This amendment mandates that one-third of the total seats in Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) be reserved for women. Importantly, this reservation does not limit women to these reserved seats alone—they are also eligible to contest general seats.[3] This marked a significant milestone in promoting women’s participation in the governance of rural local organizations.
Following this, the Constitution (Seventy-Fourth Amendment) Act, 1992, focused on urban governance by providing for the creation of Urban Local Bodies (ULBs), or municipalities. It is codified in Part IXA (Articles 243P to 243Z) and included in the Twelfth Schedule of the Constitution.[4] Like the Panchayati Raj system, this amendment also reserves one-third of the seats in municipal bodies for women,[5] granting them greater access to urban administrative structures. However, while these Constitutional Amendments have significantly boosted women’s representation in rural and urban local governance, their participation remains minimal in political and administrative structures not covered by these provisions. Bodies such as the Autonomous District Councils, which are especially relevant in tribal regions of Northeast India, and State Legislative Assemblies, continue to reflect a stark underrepresentation of women. Thus, while Constitutional reforms have paved the way for more inclusive governance at the grassroots level, there remains a pressing need to extend such measures to other sectors to ensure broader political empowerment of women across the country.
The Regional Council, Autonomous District Councils, Autonomous Councils, and Territorial Councils have been enshrined in the provisions of the Sixth Schedule to the Constitution of India. The Sixth Schedule was incorporated in the Indian Constitution by the Constituent Assembly in the year 1949. The Schedule was based on the recommendations of the Sub-Committee on the North-East Frontier of the Constituent Assembly, headed by Gopinath Bardoloi, also known as the Bordoloi Sub-Committee, which was formed to address the need for an administration system to develop tribal areas in the North East.[6] The Sixth Schedule was created with the intention of giving the indigenous people a basic and affordable system of self-governance so they could protect their own traditions, customs, and culture and have the greatest degree of autonomy in running their affairs. The indigenous people’s sensitivity to their land, forest, traditional judicial system, and social norms was acknowledged by the Subcommittee. With this acknowledgement, the Subcommittee’s report called for the protection of these areas from exploitation and the preservation of their social customs.[7]
The Sixth Schedule of the Constitution of India grants limited autonomy to the tribal regions of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura, and Mizoram. It establishes Autonomous District Councils to give tribals the freedom to exercise legislative and executive powers on their own. The Autonomous District Councils are districts or within districts in the State that have a varying degree of autonomy within the State Legislature. The Sixth Schedule is enshrined in Articles 244 (2) and 275 (1) of the Indian Constitution. Under the Sixth Schedule of the Indian Constitution, there are ten different Councils, they are—in Assam: the North Cachar Hills Autonomous Council, the Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council, and the Bodoland Territorial Council; in Meghalaya: the Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council, the Jaintia Hills Autonomous District Council, and the Garo Hills Autonomous District Council; and in Tripura: the Tripura Tribal Areas Autonomous District Council; in Mizoram: the Chakma Autonomous District Council, the Mara Autonomous District Council, and the Lai Autonomous District Council.[8] The study of women’s participation in these Autonomous District Councils is germane to understanding their overall condition. As such, this paper specifically discusses the limits to, and extent of, women participating in the politics of these three Autonomous District Councils in Mizoram, namely, the Chakma Autonomous District Council, the Lai Autonomous District Council, and the Mara Autonomous District Council of Mizoram.
2. Gaps in the Literature on Women in Autonomous District Councils
Extensive research has been conducted on women’s participation in politics, particularly of their role as voters, their affiliation with political parties, and their engagement in electoral politics at national, state, and local levels. These studies offer valuable insights into the extent and nature of women’s involvement in political processes. They also examine whether the proportion of female voters influences political outcomes and how women’s membership in political institutions contributes to policymaking. However, scholarly attention to women’s political participation within the Autonomous District Councils—especially those functioning within the State of Mizoram—remains limited. A comprehensive and in-depth examination of women’s participation in the three Autonomous District Councils of Mizoram is both timely and necessary. Such a study would shed light on the patterns, challenges, and significance of women’s engagement in electoral politics within their specific socio-political contexts. The following review presents key literature that addresses women’s political participation at the local, state, and national levels.
Biakthanpuii and Lalneihzovi (2015),[9] in their article, “Participation and Empowerment of Women in Governance with Reference to Women Government Officials in Mizoram,” examine the changing role of women in governance. Traditionally confined to household duties, fieldwork, and childcare, women were excluded from village administration. However, with increased access to education, women have gained political, social, and economic awareness. The abolition of Chieftainship and the formation of District Councils created space for women’s involvement in governance. As a result, many women have been elected as Village Council members, in step with a growing recognition of their contribution.
Lalchatuanthangi (2016),[10] in her article “Participation of Women in Politics: A Study of Local Councils and State Legislature,” explores women’s political involvement in Mizoram. Although women gained voting rights in 1919 under the Montague-Chelmsford Reforms, early Council like the Lushai Hills District Council lacked provisions for female participation. The 2014 Lushai Hills District (Village Councils) Amendment Act introduced seat reservations for women, ranging from one seat in smaller villages to three in villages with over 1,000 households. Despite limited representation—only six women in the State Legislature since 1972—the 2007 Municipality Act marked progress by reserving one-third of seats for women, expanding their role in Mizoram’s political landscape.
Shobha Kumari Gupta (2018),[11] in “Women’s Political Participation: An Analysis in Context of Rural India,” highlights the growing role of women in politics due to better education, social awareness, and improved economic conditions. The 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments, which reserve seats for women in local governance, have significantly enhanced their political involvement. Women’s organizations play a key role in empowering women, especially in rural areas, by raising awareness about their rights and leadership potential. These efforts have also encouraged adolescent girls and Scheduled Caste women to participate in politics, marking a shift toward greater inclusivity and representation in rural India.
In her article, “Political Participation and the Gender Debate,” Moamenla Amer (2022)[12] emphasizes the critical role of gender equality in ensuring a sustainable political system. She outlines various forms of political engagement—such as voting, participating in campaigns, joining political parties, attending rallies, and engaging in political discussions—as key indicators of gender disparity. Women tend to be less active in electoral contests than men, largely due to societal norms around marriage, motherhood, employment, and property rights. While there are no legal barriers preventing women from running for office, deeply rooted traditional beliefs about gender roles continue to hinder women’s participation in public life and elected positions.
In an article, “Inclusive Democracy: Women in Contemporary India,” Mintu Mondal (2022)[13] highlights the Panchayati Raj system as a significant step toward inclusive democracy in India. This system fosters inclusivity in social welfare, political participation, and economic activities, addressing the essential needs of society. The Gram Samsad, or Village Council, encourages grassroots governance by involving women actively in local decision-making processes. Women engage in village meetings and contribute their perspectives on local socio-economic issues. Additionally, women-led self-help groups support the development of local resources. The Panchayati Raj system strengthens democratic governance by ensuring the broad inclusion of women and marginalized communities.
In an article, “Women’s Political Empowerment in Indian Democracy: Opportunities and Challenges,” Runa Anand (2024)[14] explains that Indian democracy is founded on the principles of political, social, and economic freedom and equality, and that in order to ensure justice in these areas, the Indian Constitution aims to build an inclusive society that promotes equal participation and empowers women. This commitment is reflected in Articles 14, 15, 16, 39(a), 42, 243(d), 325, and 326, which address equality before the law, protection for women and children, equal opportunities, fair wages, maternity benefits, and political rights. However, women’s access to these rights is often hindered by illiteracy, family responsibilities, social norms, institutional barriers, and political challenges such as party influence, money, and violence. Education, financial independence, and equity are key to overcoming these obstacles.
3. Objectives
A significant body of research exists on women’s participation in politics, particularly at the national, state, and local governance levels in India. These studies have explored a wide range of issues such as representation, policy influence, leadership challenges, and gender-based barriers women face in mainstream political institutions. However, scholarly attention to women’s involvement in the functioning of the Autonomous District Councils (ADCs) remains relatively limited. The ADCs are unique political institutions established to provide self-governance to tribal populations, particularly in the northeastern region of India. These Councils play a crucial role in local administration, law-making, and the preservation of indigenous customs and traditions. Despite their importance, the political dynamics within ADCs—especially concerning the participation of women—have not been thoroughly examined.
This underrepresentation in academic discourse makes the study of women’s political engagement in the ADCs particularly compelling. Given the intersection of gender, ethnicity, and regional governance, there remains a vast scope for further research in this area. Understanding women’s roles in these Councils could offer valuable insights into the broader discourse on political inclusivity, cultural autonomy, and gender equity in tribal governance systems across India. This research article tries to find out the extent of women’s participation during the Pawi-Lakher Regional Council (1953-1970), Mara Autonomous District Council (1972-2022), Lai Autonomous District Council (1972-2020), and Chakma Autonomous District Council (1972-2023), all of which are located in Mizoram.
4. Methodology
This research study adopts a qualitative methodology, drawing upon both primary and secondary sources. Primary sources include interviews, official documents from the state government, and various Autonomous District Councils, while secondary sources consist of historical books, and academic articles. The selected timeframe for this study begins from the post-independence period of India, as this marks the establishment of formal administrative structures across the country, including in the tribal regions of Northeast India. An historical approach is essential to this research, as it allows for a comprehensive tracing of women’s political representation in the District Council of the former Lushai Hills. This perspective is critical to understanding the early phases of women’s participation in District Council politics. By examining various government records and electoral data, the study analyzes the extent and nature of women’s involvement in the electoral processes of the Mara, Lai, and Chakma Autonomous District Councils. This methodological framework enables a contextualized and data-supported exploration of women’s evolving roles in these local political institutions.
5. History of Autonomous District Council in Mizoram
India is home to many minority communities and minority ethnic nationalities, which are looked after by the Central Government in accordance with Constitutional provisions. On November 26, 1949, the Constitution of India was adopted by the Constituent Assembly and it was enforced with effect from January 26, 1950. The provision for incorporating Constitutional autonomy for tribals of Undivided Assam (present North East India) has been enshrined in the original Sixth Schedule to the Constitution of India. The provision of the Sixth Schedule is still enforced in tribal areas in the states of Meghalaya, Mizoram, Tripura, and Assam in North East India, in order to preserve their rights, land, ethnicity, customs, and culture. The inclusion of the then Lushai Hills in the Sixth Schedule to the Constitution of India can be traced back to the time when the Constituent Assembly set up an Advisory Committee on Tribal Areas under the chairmanship of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel that appointed the Sub-Committee on North-Eastern Frontier (Assam) Tribal and Excluded Areas headed by Gopinath Bordoloi. This sub-committee under the Advisory Committee was simply known as the Bordoloi Sub-Committee.[15]
The Sub-Committee visited the Lushai Hills in April 1947 to study the conditions of the Mizo people, who were then known as the Lushai people. In the Lushai Hills, the Lushai Hills Autonomous District Council was inaugurated on April 26, 1952 by Bishnuram Medhi, the then Chief Minister of Assam. The name itself was later changed to Mizo District Council as a result of an amendment of the Sixth Schedule to the Constitution of India by the Parliament. Within its area, for the sub-tribes Pawi and Lakher, the Pawi-Lakher Regional Council was established on April 23, 1953. It was inaugurated by Ch. Saprawnga, Parliamentary Secretary to the Government of Assam. When Mizoram was granted the status of Union territory, the Pawi-Lakher Regional Council was trifurcated into three Regional Councils, namely, the Pawi Regional Council, the Lakher Regional Council, and the Chakma Regional Council on April 2, 1972, and the three regional councils were subsequently upgraded to Autonomous District Councils, namely, the Pawi Autonomous District Council, the Lakher Autonomous District Council, and the Chakma Autonomous District Council on April 29, 1972. The name ‘Pawi’ was later changed to ‘Lai,’ and ‘Lakher’ was changed to ‘Mara’ in the year 1989 as a result of the change of name by Parliament by amendment of the Sixth Schedule to the Constitution of India.[16] In the realm of these three Councils, women’s participation in politics was not that much, and they still had a long way to go for gender equality.
5.1. Pawi-Lakher Regional Council
The Pawi-Lakher Regional Council (PLRC) was established in 1953 and played a foundational role in the creation of three Autonomous District Councils (ADCs) in the state of Mizoram. This Council was set up with the aim of providing a common administrative platform for the three major ethnic communities in southern Mizoram—the Pawis (now known as Lais), the Lakhers (now known as Maras), and the Chakmas. Saiha town, located in the southern region of Mizoram, was chosen as the headquarters of the Regional Council due to its central location among these communities.
The formation of the PLRC was preceded by an official directive issued on May 20, 1952 under Order No. TAD/R/3/52/15, which outlined its structure and composition. According to this order, the Council would be composed of twelve members, out of which two would be nominated by the government, while the rest would be elected.[17] Following this, the region was divided into nine constituencies to facilitate representation. These were Sangau, Bualpui NG, Lawngtlai, Tuithumhnar, Mampui, Ngharum, Serkawr, Laki, and Saiha. The PLRC was a significant administrative experiment that eventually led to the establishment of the Lai, Mara, and Chakma Autonomous District Councils, reflecting the region’s ethnic diversity and aspirations for self-governance.
On April 2, 1953, the first-ever election to the Legislature of the Pawi-Lakher Regional Council (PLRC) was conducted across nine constituencies in southern Mizoram. All nine elected members were men, and they represented the Tribal Union Party, which was the dominant political force at the time. The elected representatives were Z. Hengmanga, Tialupa, K.L. Pakhai, Zavaia, Khaido, C. Tanmanga, Tumhulha, F. Sangluia, and Thangkipleia. In addition to the elected members, three individuals were nominated to the Council: Chhalia (who was later replaced by Sakia), Chhumhmunga, and C. Zochhuma.[18]
Notably, there was no participation of women as candidates in this election. All members—both elected and nominated—were men, indicating a complete absence of women’s representation in the initial structure of the PLRC. This reflects the patriarchal socio-political context of the time, where women’s involvement in formal political processes was minimal or entirely overlooked. In 1958, the second election to the PLRC was held. The number of constituencies was increased from nine to ten, suggesting an effort to improve representation. However, this expansion did not lead to more inclusive participation. All ten elected members were again men, and the number of nominated members was reduced to two, both of whom were also male.[19] The continuing absence of women in both elected and nominated positions highlighted the systemic gender imbalance in the early political framework of the region, which persisted despite structural changes to the Council.
In the year 1964, the third election to the Pawi- Lakher Regional Council was conducted, but the election was boycotted in six Lakher-dominated constituencies by the Lakhers. It was boycotted due to the misunderstanding between the Pawi and Lakher leaders. Other than the boycotted areas, an election was held and six men were elected, and one man was appointed as a member in the nominated seat.[20] On April 23, 1970, the fourth and final election of the Pawi Lakher Regional Council was held. Ten men were elected from ten constituencies, and two additional men were appointed to nominated seats.[21] Notably, there was no involvement of women in the electoral process during the existence of the Pawi Lakher Regional Council, highlighting the gender imbalance in political representation at the time. In 1972, the Mizo District Council was granted Union Territory status under the North Eastern Areas (Reorganisation) Act of 1971. As a result, the Pawi Lakher Regional Council, which previously operated under the state of Assam, came under the jurisdiction of the newly formed Union Territory of Mizoram. This transition marked a significant administrative shift in the region, laying the groundwork for future political and structural reforms, although gender inclusivity in political representation remained limited during that period. No women were elected or nominated to the Pawi Lakher Regional Council in 1953-1971.
The Pawi-Lakher Regional Council was later divided into three separate Regional Councils following the formation of the new Union Territory. Within a month, these Councils were elevated to the status of Autonomous District Councils. They are the Mara Autonomous District Council, the Lai Autonomous District Council, and the Chakma Autonomous District Council. The Mara Autonomous District Council operates within Siaha District, whereas the Lai and Chakma Autonomous District Councils function within Lawngtlai District. These Councils play a significant role in local governance and the protection of the cultural and administrative rights of their respective ethnic communities in Mizoram.
5.2. Mara Autonomous District Council
The Mara Autonomous District Council (MADC) began functioning in 1972 following the trifurcation of the Pawi Lakher Regional Council. Its headquarters are in Siaha, which also serves as the administrative center of Siaha District. The MADC governs an area of 1,445 square kilometers, identical to the geographical extent of Siaha District. Initially known as the Lakher Autonomous District Council, it was officially renamed the Mara Autonomous District Council on May 1, 1989.[22] According to the 2011 Census, the population within the MADC region totals 56,574, consisting of 28,594 males and 27,980 females, breaking down into a sex ratio of 979 females per 1,000 males. The literacy rate stands at 90.01 percent, with male literacy at 92.64 percent, and female literacy at 87.34 percent.[23] This indicates significant progress in education, especially among women. As of 2022, the MADC governs 48 villages and administers 99 Village Councils.[24] As per the State Election Commission data in 2022, out of 42,342 voters, there are 20,373 males and 21,969 females within the MADC area.[25] The Council plays a vital role in local governance, development planning, and the protection of the Mara community’s cultural identity and autonomy within the broader framework of Mizoram’s administrative and political system.
The birth of the Mara Autonomous District Council (formerly known as Lakher under the Pawi Lakher Regional Council) can be traced back to the fight for a separate Council that started way back in 1963. In 1963, the third election to the Pawi Lakher Regional Council was boycotted as a result of conflict between the two communities, Pawi and Lakher. Since then, the Pawi Lakher Regional Council was run by the Pawi while the Lakher people demanded a separate District Council under the political movement of the Mara Freedom Party (MFP). After several years of fighting for a separate Council, the Government of India appointed the Commission for Assam Hills, chaired by Shri Hari Vinayak Pataskar, to investigate the political situation in the Northeast area, with a focus on the Mara people. As a result, the desire for a distinct District Council was addressed as part of the North Eastern Areas (Reorganisation) Act of 1971, which went into effect in the year 1972. As such, the Mara Autonomous District Council was born. The first election to the MADC was conducted in 1972 for nine constituencies, namely Chhuarlung, Rawmibawk, Tuipang, Zawngling, Saiha, Tongkalong, Maubawk, Serkawr, and Chapui. The first elected members to the Mara Autonomous District Council were S. Hiato, S. Vadyu, K. Paichho, S. Pailer, K. Khosa, Hmaoko Hlychho, Zakhu Hlychho, Ngony Hlychho, and Roma. Leipo Notlia was nominated as a member of the MADC and, due to his sudden death, he was later replaced by Laizai. Mara Freedom Party captured all the seats in this election [26]
The first election marked a significant turning point in Mara politics as, for the first time, a woman, Ngony Hlychho, was elected as a Member of the District Council (MDC).[27] Along with her, nine members were elected, and one man was appointed to the nominated seat. Just as the President of India nominates members to the Rajya Sabha and Lok Sabha, the Governor of the State nominates members to the Autonomous District Council. These nominations are made based on the recommendations of the Chief Executive Member of the Council and are approved by the State Government before being forwarded to the Governor for appointment. Ngony Hlychho’s victory was a remarkable achievement, as she was selected by the Mara Freedom Party (MFP) over other contenders, highlighting the party’s confidence in her leadership. Her success not only broke a gender barrier but also served as a powerful source of inspiration and motivation for other women in the region. Her election challenged traditional gender roles and opened new doors for women in local governance. Ngony Hlychho’s leadership proved that women could effectively participate, and succeed, in political spaces previously dominated by men, setting a precedent for future generations of women in the Mara community. Before the first term ended, the MFP merged with Indian National Congress, and along with the Janata Party, they formed a coalition government in the MADC.[28]
Ngony Hlychho,
Elected Woman Member of the MADC in 1972.[29]
The second election to the Mara Autonomous District Council was held in 1978, with the number of constituencies increased to fourteen. Despite this expansion, no women contested the election, and one man was appointed to the nominated seat. Janata Party stood alone in the second election to the MADC and won. The third election, conducted in 1983, followed a similar pattern, with no female candidates and one male appointed as a nominated MDC. In the fourth MADC election held in 1989, the situation remained unchanged. No women were elected, and even the two nominated seats were filled by men. This consistent absence of women from both elected and nominated positions highlights the continuing gender disparity in political representation within the MADC during its early years. It reflects the social and political barriers women faced in participating in governance, despite the existence of Constitutional provisions aimed at promoting equality. Women’s political inclusion remained limited throughout these early elections.
The fifth election to the MADC was held in 1990, with the number of constituencies increased from fourteen to nineteen.[30] Despite the expansion, no women were elected or nominated as Members of the District Council during this term.[31] However, progress began to show in the sixth MADC election conducted in 1995. A twenty-seven-year-old independent candidate, J. Maki, contested the election, making history as a young woman bold enough to enter the competitive and male-dominated political landscape.[32] Though she was not elected, her courage and potential were recognized, and she was appointed to one of the four nominated seats in the Council.
Maki,
Nominated Woman Member of the MADC in 1995.[33]
The seventh election, held in 2000[34] again saw no women candidates contesting.[35] However, Biaktluangi was appointed to one of the four nominated seats, ensuring some degree of female representation.
Biaktluangi (record name Biaktluangi V. Hlychho),
Nominated Woman Member of the MADC in 2000. [36]
In the eighth MADC election in 2005, although no women were elected, a woman, N. Ngothlua, was nominated as an MDC, continuing the trend of appointing capable women through nomination. These appointments, though limited, reflected a slow but growing acknowledgment of women’s contributions and potential in MADC politics.
Ngothlua, Nominated Woman Member of the MADC in 2005.[37]
The ninth election to the MADC was held in 2007. In this election, N. Naphie from Tuipang ‘V’ Constituency made history by becoming the second woman ever elected as a Member of the District Council in Maraland politics. Her victory was particularly significant, as she went on to be appointed the Deputy Chairman of the MADC, making her the first woman to hold a high-ranking political position within the Council. In the same term, another woman, A. Dawzu, was nominated as an MDC by the Governor of Mizoram, based on recommendations from the Council authorities.[38]
 Naphie |
 A. Dawzu, |
Nominated Woman Member of the MADC in 2017
The tenth MADC election was held in 2012. Although no women were elected, two women—H. Ngunkungi and Julie B. Ngokei were nominated to the Council, ensuring continued female representation.[39] Notably, two women candidates, Nghakmawii and H.C. Nakua, contested the election from Tuipang II and Siaha South II constituencies, respectively, under the Mizo National Front (MNF) party. Despite their efforts and party support, neither was successful in securing a seat.[40] This period in MADC politics reflects both the persistent challenges women face in getting elected, and the small yet meaningful strides being made through nominations and appointments that support women’s political inclusion and leadership.
 Ngunkungi |
 Julie B. Ngokei |
Nominated Women Members of the MADC in 2012. [41]
In 2017, the 11th election to the MADC was conducted. During this election, two women candidates entered the electoral race. K. Nadaw contested from Phura Constituency under the Maraland Democratic Front (MDF) party, while Nghakmawii contested as an independent candidate from Tipa II (Tuipang II) Constituency. Despite their participation and efforts, neither of them secured enough votes to win a seat. However, women were still represented in the Council through nominated seats. Two women—A. Merry and Ngunsuii—were nominated as Members of the District Council by the Governor of Mizoram, based on the recommendation of the Council authorities.
 Merry |
 Ngunsuii |
Nominated Women Members of the MADC in 2017.[42]
In 2022, the 12th MADC election witnessed the highest number of female candidates contesting in a single election to date. Three women—Ramnghakmawii and Lalengmawii Syuhlo from Tipa-II Constituency, and N.T. Pawngia from Chhaolo (Chhuarlung) Constituency contested the election. Despite this significant development in women’s political participation, none of the candidates were able to win their respective seats due to insufficient votes.[43] These elections reflected both the growing interest of women in active politics within Maraland, and the continuing challenges they face in overcoming electoral barriers and societal biases to achieve elected positions. On March 1, 2024, two men and two women—Delson Notlia, B. Dawpho, B. Pari and N. Gracy—were inducted as nominated members in the MADC’s 12th term.[44] However, due to the sudden death of Miss N. Gracy, on October 4, 2024, Miss A Nelly was appointed as member of MADC in the nominated seat. So, the 12th MADC term had two nominated women members—B. Pari and A. Nelly.[45]
 Pari |
 A. Nelly |
Nominated Women Members of the MADC in 2024.[46]
Women’s Participation in the Mara Autonomous District Council from 1972- 2022
| Year of Election | Elected Women Members | Nominated Women Members |
| 1972 | Ngony Hlychho | Nil |
| 1978 | Nil | Nil |
| 1983 | Nil | Nil |
| 1989 | Nil | Nil |
| 1990 | Nil | Nil |
| 1995 | Nil | J. Maki |
| 2000 | Nil | Biaktluangi |
| 2005 | Nil | N. Ngothlua |
| 2007 | N. Naphie | A. Dawzu |
| 2012 | Nil | H. Ngunkungi, & Julie B. Ngokei |
| 2017 | Nil | A. Merry & Ngunsuii |
| 2022 | Nil | B. Pari & A Nelly |
This table is compiled by the authors based on the data above.
In the twelve elections that have already been held in the MADC since 1972, only two women have been elected as members of the MADC.
5.3. The Lai Autonomous District Council
The Lai Autonomous District Council (LADC) was formed as a result of the trifurcation of the Pawi Lakher Regional Council in 1972. The Pawi Autonomous District Council was later renamed the Lai Autonomous District Council. The LADC area is located in Lawngtlai District, and it covers 1870.80 square kilometers. Under the LADC, there are ninety-five villages and seven sub-villages. Its headquarters are located at Lawngtlai and its sub-headquarters are at Bualpui ‘NG,’ also known as ‘Ngunlinga Bualpui.’[47] According to the records of the LADC in 2022-2023, the total population in its area is 111,277, where 55,450 are males and 55,827 are females.[48] There are 25,352 males and 26,104 females among the 51,456 total voters. Female voters were greater in number within the LADC area according to the records of the State Election Commission of the Government of Mizoram in 2020.[49]
The first election to the LADC was conducted way back in the year 1972. There are twelve constituencies, namely New Chawngte, Diltlang, Bungtlang, Paithar, Lawngtlai ‘N’, Lawngtlai ‘S’, Sangau, Pangkhua, Lungtian, Vawmbuk, Lungpher, and Bualpui ‘NG’.[50] The first elected members were T.T. Nohmung, H. Thanhrina, M.C. Darvunga, Hranghluna, Ukmang Zathang, L.B. Zathang, A. Thangruma, L. Chinzah, F. Manghnuna, H. Lalvunga, Arun Kumar Dewan, and Laltuma. The first Chief Executive Member was Ukmang Zathang. In the nominated seats, two men, T. Manghnuna from Thingkah and C. Huatduna from Bualpui ‘NG,’ were appointed as members of the District Council.[51] The second election was conducted in 1977. In this election to the LADC, there were twelve constituencies with twelve elected members and two nominated members.[52] All these members were men, and there was no trace of women’s participation as candidates.
When the third election to the LADC took place in 1982, the number of constituencies increased from twelve to seventeen. Despite the expansion, all the elected and nominated members were men, reflecting the gender gap in political representation at the time. The fourth election was held in 1988, with constituencies further increasing to nineteen and nominated seats rising to four. However, women remained absent from both elected and nominated positions during this term. A significant change occurred in the fifth LADC election in 1992, marking a watershed moment in the Council’s history. K. Zapari became the first woman appointed as a Member of the District Council in a nominated seat, breaking longstanding gender barriers. Her influence and leadership were reaffirmed when she was reappointed as an MDC during the sixth term (1997–2002) by the Governor of Mizoram. Besides K. Zapari, no other women served in either elected or nominated positions during this period.
Zapari
First Nominated Woman Member of the LADC in 1992-1997, and 1997-2002.[53]
In the seventh term, from 2002 to 2005, another woman, H. Remhnuni, was nominated as an MDC by the Governor of Mizoram, continuing the gradual inclusion of women in the Council.[54] These appointments marked early, yet important, steps toward greater female participation in LADC politics.
Remhnuni,
Nominated Woman Member of the LADC in 2002.[55]
The eighth LADC election held in 2005 saw no women elected to the Council, but H. Rinchhungi was appointed to one of the nominated seats, maintaining some female representation.
Rinchhungi,
Nominated Woman Member of the LADC in 2005.[56]
The ninth election, conducted in 2010, marked a historic milestone as N. Sawngnawni became the first woman to contest the LADC elections, running from the M. Kawnpui constituency under the Indian National Congress party. Despite her groundbreaking candidacy, she was defeated. In this term, Lalrinpuii was nominated as an MDC, ensuring women continued to have a presence in the Council.[57]
Lalrinpuii,
Nominated Woman Member of the LADC in 2010.[58]
The 2015 election saw increased female participation with two women candidates, N. Sangnawni from the Indian National Congress in the N. Kawnpui constituency and Heleri from the Bharatiya Janata Party in the Sangau East constituency. N. Sangnawni succeeded in winning her seat, becoming the first woman elected to the LADC, while Heleri did not win. Although Heleri lost, her candidacy reflected growing political engagement among women. In addition, B. Vanpari and V. Rualthanchhingi were nominated as MDCs by the Governor of Mizoram, based on recommendations from the LADC government.[59]
 Sangnawni |
 B. Vanpari |
 V. Rualthanchhingi |
Elected Woman Member of LADC 2015. Nominated Women Members of LADC 2015.[60]
In the 2020 election, N. Sangnawni contested again from the same constituency but was defeated. Nevertheless, Ngunchhini and C. Biakthansangi were appointed as nominated Members of the District Council, continuing the trend of female appointments in the Council.[61] The progress highlights gradual but meaningful strides toward women’s political inclusion in the LADC.
 Ngunchhini |
 C. Biakthansangi |
(Nominated Women Members of LADC in 2022).[62]
Women’s Participation in the Lai Autonomous District Council, 1972- 2020
| Year of Election | Elected Member | Nominated Member |
| 1972 | Nil | Nil |
| 1977 | Nil | Nil |
| 1982 | Nil | Nil |
| 1988 | Nil | Nil |
| 1992 | Nil | K. Zapari |
| 1997 | Nil | K. Zapari |
| 2002 | Nil | H. Remhnuni |
| 2005 | Nil | H. Rinchhungi |
| 2010 | Nil | Lalrinpuii |
| 2015 | N. Sangnawni | B. Vanpari & V. Rualthanchhingi |
| 2020 | Nil | Ngunchhini & C. Biakthansangi |
The table is compiled by the authors from the data above.
5.4. The Chakma Autonomous District Council
The Chakma Autonomous District Council (CADC) was born right after the Pawi Lakher Regional Council was trifurcated into three Autonomous District Councils in 1972. The CADC area is located within Lawngtlai District and is located in the southernmost part of the state of Mizoram, with an area of 686.35 square kilometers. Under the Lawngtlai District of Mizoram, there were two Autonomous District Councils, namely the Lai Autonomous District Council and the Chakma Autonomous District Council. The headquarters of the CADC is located at Kamalanagar (Chawngte ‘C’), and its sub-headquarters are at Borapansury and Longpuighat villages. There are 88 Village Councils, and the total population of the CADC is 62,094, with 30,959 males and 31,135 females. The literacy rate within the CADC is 46.38 percent according to the 2011 Census. The male literacy rate is 60.46 percent, and female literacy is only 31.12 percent.[63] The total number of voters in the CADC area is 35,885, out of which 17,455 are males and 17,019 are females, according to State Election Commission records in the year 2023.[64]
The first election to the CADC was held on December 17, 1972. It began with eight constituencies: Barapansury I, Vaseitlang (N), Vaseitlang (S), Kamalanagar, Jarulsury, Parva (N), Parva (S), and Barapansury II. All the elected members were men, and one man was appointed to the nominated seat. The elected members included Nilmoni Chakma, Sneha Kumar Chakma, Laichoga Tongchangya, Chitra Mohan Chakma, Ganga Chakma, Atul Chandra Chakma, Malkham Chandra Riang, and K. Rotlinga. Atul Chandra Chakma became the first Chief Executive Member of the CADC. In addition, Bhrigu Muni Chakma was appointed as the Member of the District Council in the nominated seat. This inaugural election laid the foundation for the Council’s governance, though women’s political participation was absent at this stage.
The second term of the CADC, following the 1978 election, consisted of eight elected men and one man appointed to the nominated seat. The Council’s constituencies increased to ten by the time of the third election. In 1988, at the third election, there were ten elected members and one nominated member, all of whom were men. The fourth election saw a further increase in constituencies from ten to eleven, resulting in eleven elected members and two nominated members, again all male.
By the fifth term, from 1993 to 1998, the number of constituencies increased to fourteen, with fourteen elected members and two nominated members. However, women were still absent from both elected and nominated seats during this period. A significant breakthrough occurred in the sixth-term election held in 1998. For the first time, a woman, Sneha Dini Talukdar, was elected from the Kamalanagar constituency on the Bharatiya Janata Party ticket. Additionally, Aroti Chakma was appointed as a nominated Member of the District Council. This marked a historic moment for the Chakma community, as it was the first time women held positions, both through election and nomination in the Council. This term, thus, represented a critical step forward in promoting women’s political participation and representation within the CADC.
 Snehadini Talukdar |
 Aroti Chakma |
Elected Member of CADC 1998.[65] Nominated Woman Member of CADC 1998.[66]
The seventh term of the CADC from 2003 to 2008 had thirteen elected members and four nominated members. While all the elected members were male, one woman, Champa Chakma, was appointed to a nominated seat, marking female representation in the Council.
Champa Chakma,
Nominated Woman Member of the CADC in 2003.[67]
The eighth election held in 2008 expanded the number of constituencies to seventeen. In this election, Aroti Chakma won the Kamalanagar (N) constituency seat as an Indian National Congress candidate. Additionally, Belpudi Chakma was appointed to one of the nominated seats, furthering women’s participation in the Council.
Aroti Chakma |
 Belpudi Chakma |
Elected Woman Member of CADC 2008.[68] Nominated Woman Member of CADC 2008.[69]
By the ninth election in 2013, the CADC’s constituencies had increased to twenty-two. Although no women were elected in this election, two women—Nihar Mala Chakma and Sneha Maya Chakma—were nominated as members of the District Council. This continued the practice of ensuring female representation through nominated seats despite the lack of elected women members.[70] These developments highlight the gradual but ongoing progress toward increasing women’s roles within the CADC political landscape.
 Nihar Mala Chakma.[71] |
 Sneha Maya Chakma.[72] |
Nominated Women Members of CADC 2013.
Two women contested in the CADC’s 2018 election, namely Kusum Lata Chakma and Kolombi Chakma, both from the Bharatiya Janata Party. Kusum Lata Chakma contested on the Bharatiya Janata Party ticket from the Borapansury II constituency. In this election, she got 802 votes out of 1,830 votes, defeating her two male counterparts, and winning in the election with a thumping majority. In the Udalthana constituency of the CADC, Kolombi Chakma contested from the Bharatiya Janata Party; she got 19 votes out of 1,494 votes. She not only lost the election but also lost her security deposit. As a result, the tenth term of the CADC had one woman elected Member of the District Council, Kusum Lota Chakma, and two women Nominated Members of the District Councils, Milon Sushi Chakma and Namita Chakma.[73]
 Kusum Lota Chakma[74] |
Elected Woman Member of CADC 2018.
 Milon Sushi Chakma |
 Namita Chakma[75] |
Nominated Women Members of CADC 2018.
The eleventh election to the CADC was conducted in 2023. In this election, Sunita Chakma contested from the Vaseitlang constituency on the Bharatiya Janata Party ticket but she got only 13 votes out of 1,417 votes. On the Indian National Congress ticket, Kalpana Chakma, and on the Zoram Peoples Movement Party ticket, Kusum Lata Chakma, contested from Borapansury-II constituency. Kalpana Chakma got 45 votes, and Kusum Lata Chakma got 53 votes out of 2,193 votes. All three women who contested in this election lost their security deposits as they did not secure enough votes. This outcome highlights the ongoing challenges faced by women in gaining electoral support within the region. In the nominated seats, four members were appointed: Hemanta Larma, R.D. Sangzela, Chandrasusi Chakma, and Sona Chakma. Chandrasusi Chakma and Sona Chakma were the two women nominated members in the 11th CADC term in 2023.[76]
 Chandrasusi Chakma |
 Sona Chakma |
Nominated Women Members of CADC 2023.[77]
Women’s Participation in the Chakma Autonomous District Council, 1972-2023
| Year of Election | Elected Member | Nominated Member |
| 1972 | Nil | Nil |
| 1978 | Nil | Nil |
| 1983 | Nil | Nil |
| 1988 | Nil | Nil |
| 1993 | Nil | Nil |
| 1998 | Sneha Dini Talukdar | Aroti Chakma |
| 2003 | Nil | Champa Chakma |
| 2008 | Aroti Chakma | Belpudi Chakma |
| 2013 | Nil | Nihar Mala Chakma & Sneha Maya Chakma |
| 2018 | Kusum Lota Chakma | Milon Sushi Chakma & Namita Chakma |
| 2023 | Nil | Chandrasusi Chakma & Sona Chakma |
The table compiled by the authors from the data above.
6. Women’s Contributions
The three Autonomous District Councils are safeguarded and accorded special recognition under the provisions of the Indian Constitution, thereby ensuring the protection of their cultural practices, traditions, languages, and related institutions. Although women have historically had limited involvement in the political affairs of these Councils, their contributions have nonetheless been significant. The number of women who attained membership in these Councils remains small, and their presence alone does not automatically translate into substantial improvements in the status of women within their respective regions. However, various legislative measures implemented within these areas have played an important role in enhancing women’s engagement in the sphere of politics.
Elected as well as nominated women representatives within the Lai Autonomous District Council (LADC) have played a significant role in exerting pressure on the institution to enhance women’s participation in political processes. The Lai Autonomous District (Village Councils) Act, 2010, enacted by the LADC, stipulates that at least one seat out of the total number of seats must be reserved for women. This legislation provides not only the legal foundation for women’s representation, but also establishes a formal framework for women’s political participation at the village level.[78] The issue of women’s reservation has repeatedly been raised in the proceedings of the LADC Assembly, especially by women representatives, and various civil society organizations have also submitted petitions to the authorities advocating greater inclusion. Proposals have been advanced to reserve 25 percent of the seats in LADC elections for women. Nonetheless, in practice, women’s representation has remained limited, with only one nominated seat allocated to women since 1992, later increased to two nominated seats in 2015.[79]
In the context of women’s participation in Village Councils within the Mara Autonomous District Council (MADC) area, female representation was minimal during the initial stages. Although the Lakher Autonomous (Village Councils) Act of 1974, Chapter II, Clause 5, stipulated that “not less than one of the total number of elected seats shall be reserved for women for the time being,”[80] this provision was not implemented until the enactment of the Mara Autonomous District Council (Village Councils) (Amendment) Act of 2012, which reiterated the same clause. It was only after this amendment that reserved seats for women in Village Councils under the MADC were introduced.[81] The Mara Autonomous District Council (Constitution, Conduct of Business, Etc.) Rules, 2002 Chapter II, Clause 7(4) mentions that “not less than two (2) nominated Members shall be women.”[82] Despite the rule coming into force in 2002, it was not operationalized until 2012, when two women were, for the first time, appointed as nominated members of the Council. The enforcement of these legislative measures marked a significant step for women’s political representation.
During this period, figures such as H. Ngunkungi and Julie B. Ngokei, who were nominated members, played influential roles. Furthermore, both past elected and nominated women representatives, together with women’s organizations, exerted considerable pressure on the Council Assembly to ensure the realization of these provisions.
The Chakma Autonomous District Council (Constitution, Conduct of Business Etc) Rules, 2002, has reserved one seat for women out of three nominated seats.[83] Before these Rules were functional, one woman was already put in the nominated seat. Next, the Chakma Autonomous District Council (Constitution, Conduct Of Business Etc.) (Amendment) Rules, 2011 increased reserved seats for women to two from one out of three nominated members.[84] Further, the Chakma Autonomous District Council (Village Councils) (Amendment) Act, 2011, reserved one seat for women in every Village Council under the CADC area.[85] Since that period, women have become an integral component of the Village Councils and District Council in the CADC area.
The effective implementation of these Rules and Acts has been facilitated through the contributions of both elected and nominated women representatives, in collaboration with Council leaders. In the absence of women’s participation, the enactment of such legislation and their significance for women’s advancement would have remained largely unrecognized. Owing to their active involvement, Chakma women are now able to engage more substantively in political processes at both the grassroots and Council levels.
7. Conclusion
The three Autonomous District Councils (ADCs) of Mizoram—the Mara Autonomous District Council, Lai Autonomous District Council, and Chakma Autonomous District Council—hold Constitutional authority to enact laws and govern their respective territories. These Councils play a vital role in promoting and ensuring women’s participation in local politics through legislative measures. Since 1995, the Mara Autonomous District Council has reserved one nominated seat for women, which increased to two seats in 2012. Similarly, the Lai Autonomous District Council began reserving one nominated seat for women in 1995, and expanded the reservation to two seats in 2015. The Chakma Autonomous District Council reserved one nominated seat for women starting in 1998, increasing it to two seats in 2013. Despite these reservations, women’s presence as elected members in all three ADCs remains minimal. The Mara ADC has seen only two women elected so far, while the Lai ADC has had just one elected female member. The Chakma ADC stands out slightly with three women elected as Members of the District Council, making it an ADC with the highest number of elected women legislators among the three.
When considering women’s overall involvement in the electoral politics of Mizoram’s ADCs, it becomes clear that their political participation is still insufficient. Women have a significant journey ahead to gain meaningful influence in the political administration of their communities. It is crucial that women support and motivate each other to take leadership roles and actively engage in politics. They should aspire not only to benefit from political reservations but also to compete confidently and effectively against male counterparts in open electoral contests. Only through such ambition and mutual encouragement can women hope to overcome the barriers they face, and ensure their voices are heard in the governance of their respective regions. Greater women’s political participation will strengthen democratic processes and promote more inclusive decision-making within these autonomous Councils.
Ruthi Hmingchungnungi (PhD) is currently working as Guest Faculty in the Department of Education (ITEP), Mizoram University. Coming from Political Science background, she teaches Political Science at her place of work. She is a member of various academic related associations. She has published several research articles in UGC Care listed journals and peer reviewed journals. She has presented several research papers in the state, and at national and international seminars.
Jangkhongam Doungel is a Professor in the Department of Political Science, Mizoram University. He is a member of various academic forums, and has published many research articles in reputed journals. He has presented research papers at many seminars at the state level, and at the national and international levels. He is also a senior Fulbright Research Fellow at the University of Cincinnati, and an Associate Editor of Rising Asia Journal.
[1] Government of India, The Constitution of India (New Delhi: Government of India, 2022), 187.
[2] Ibid., 2022, 119–126, 349.
[3] Ibid., 121.
[4] Ibid., 350.
[5] Ibid., 130.
[6] Jangkhongam Doungel, “Autonomous District Councils: A Study of the Implications of the Sixth Schedule in Mizoram,” in Mizoram Dimensions & Perspectives: Society, Economy and Polity, edited by Jagadish K. Patnaik (New Delhi: Concept Publishing, 2008), 207-208.
[7] Prabhat Kumar Datta and Panchali Sen, “Governance in the Sixth Schedule Areas in India’s North-East: Context, Content and Challenges,” Indian Journal of Public Administration 66, no. 2 (June 2020): 191-205.
[8] Sukanta Sarkar, “Autonomous District Council: A Movement for Socio-Economic Empowerment of Scheduled Tribes in North-Eastern Region of India,” in Social Movements for Sustainable Development: Equality to Equity, edited by Lakshmi Narayana Nagisetty and Pramod Kumar Narikimelli (Andhra Pradesh: Desh Vikas Publications, 2024), 81-92.
[9] Biakthanpuii Lalneihzovi, “Participation and Empowerment of Women in Governance with Reference to Women Government Officials in Mizoram,” Administrative Studies 1, no.1 (November 2015): 123-133.
[10] Lalchatuanthangi, “Participation of Women in Politics: A Study of Local Councils and State Legislature, Indian Journal of Public Administration LXII, no. 3 (July-September 2016): 657-665.
[11] Shobha Kumari Gupta, “Women’s Political Participation: An Analysis in the Context of Rural India, The Indian Journal of Political Science LXXIX, no. 3 (July- September 2018): 629-632.
[12] Moamenla Amer, “Political Participation and the Gender Debate,” The Indian Journal of Political Science, LXXXIII, no. 2 (April-June 2022): 197-206.
[13] Mintu Mondal, “Inclusive Democracy: Women in Contemporary India,” The Indian Journal of Political Science LXXXIII, no. 1 (January-March 2022): 23-30.
[14] Runa Anand, “Women’s Political Empowerment in Indian Democracy: Opportunities and Challenges,” The Indian Journal of Political Science LXXXV, no. 1 (January-March 2024): 339-346.
[15] Jyotiraj Prathak, “North East India, Sixth Schedule & Beyond,” The Indian Journal of Political Science LXXVII, no. 2 (April-June 2016): 235- 240.
[16] Jangkhongam Doungel, Evolution of District Council Autonomy in Mizoram (Meerut: Balaji Publishers, 2022) 6-8.
[17] K. Sang Chhum, Lairam (Aizawl: Ebenezer Offset, 2022), 49.
[18] T. Chalnghingluaia and P.C. Chuaudinga, PLRC-LADC Hun Inthlak Dan 1953-2024 (Lawngtlai: Lai Autonomous District Council, 2024), 29.
[19] K. Sang Chhum, Lairam, 66-67.
[20] Doungel, Evolution of District Council Autonomy in Mizoram, 42.
[21] Sang Chhum, Lairam, 85.
[22] Ibid., 56.
[23] Statistical Handbook Mizoram 2020, Directorate of Economics and Statistics (Aizawl, Mizoram: Government of Mizoram, 2021), 2-4.
[24] Mara Autonomous District Council Golden Jubilee Souvenir (Saiha, Mizoram: Mara Autonomous District Council, 2022), 199.
[25] General Election to Mara Autonomous District Council, 2022, “Second Report on Voter Turnout” (Aizawl, Mizoram: State Election Commission, Government of Mizoram, 2022), 1.
[26] Mara Autonomous District Council, “Silver Jubilee Souvenir 1972-1997” (Saiha, Mizoram: Mara Autonomous District Council, 1997), 2-3.
[27] Jangkhongam Doungel, “Role of Women in the Politics of Sixth Schedule Area of Mizoram,” in Women in Mizo Society, edited by Harendra Sinha and B. Lalrinchhani (New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 2013), 108.
[28] Steffi C. Beingiachhiezi and Jankhongam Doungel, “Electoral Politics and Coalition Government: A Study of Mara Autonomous District Council (MADC), Mizoram,” Mizoram University Journal of Humanities and Social Science IX, no. 2 (December 2023): 40-47.
[29] Mara Autonomous District Council, 1997, 20.
[30] The Fifth Election to the Mara Autonomous District Council (Siaha, Mizoram: Mara Autonomous District Council, 2021), 1.
[31] M. Aruna Juliet Mercy, “The Changing Status of Women in Mizoram Since 19th Century: A Study of Mara Women,” unpublished PhD Dissertation, Mizoram University, Aizawl, 2011, p. 293b.
[32] Ibid., 293c.
[33] Mara Autonomous District Council, 1997, 23.
[34] Mara Autonomous District Council, 2021, 1.
[35] Aruna Juliet Mercy, 2011, 293d.
[36] Photograph sent by Biaktluangi to the authors.
[37] Photograph sent by N. Ngothlua to the authors.
[38] Mara Autonomous District Council, 2022, 185-192.
[39] Mara Autonomous District Council, 2021, 1.
[40] Document accessed from the District Commissioner’s Office, Election Branch, Siaha, accessed on October 21, 2021.
[41] Photographs sent by Julie B. Ngokei to the authors.
[42] Photographs sent by Ngunsuii to the authors.
[43] Document accessed from the District Commissioner’s Office, Election Branch. Siaha, Mizoram, accessed on June 2, 2022.
[44] DD News, “Oath-taking Ceremony of Newly Nominated Members of District Council, Mara Autonomous District Council, Siaha, March 1, 2024.
[45] Notification for Appointment of Nominated Members in Mara Autonomous District Council, Notification no. A. 43017/ 2/ 2012- DCA (M), Aizawl, October 4, 2024, District Council & Minority Affairs Department.
[46] Ibid., 2024.
[47] PURA, Lai Autonomous District Council (Lawngtlai, Mizoram, 2022), 287.
[48] Ibid., 295.
[49] General Election to Lai Autonomous District Council, 2020, Press Note. No. B.12023/3/2020-SEC/LADC/22, Aizawl, 8th December 8, 2020, State Election Commission, Government of Mizoram, Aizawl.
[50] Sang Chhum, 2022, 135-136.
[51] Ibid., 139-141.
[52] Ibid., 150-151
[53] Photograph collected from the LADC Office.
[54] Doungel, Evolution of District Council Autonomy in Mizoram, 80-95.
[55] Photograph collected from the LADC Office.
[56] Ibid.
[57] Lai Autonomous District Council, 2022, 275-279.
[58] Photograph collected from the LADC Office.
[59] Sang Chhum, Lairam, 243.
[60] Photographs collected from the LADC Office.
[61] Lai Autonomous District Council, 2022, 284.
[62] Photographs sent by Biakthantluangi to the authors.
[63] Results of the MDC General Elections to CADC, Chakma Autonomous District Council, 2023, retrieved from https://www.cadc.gov.in/2023/05/11/results-of-mdc-general-elections-to-cadc-declared-people-deliver-a-fractured-verdict/, retrieved on 04/07/2023
[64] General Election to Chakma Autonomous District Council, 2023, Press Note No. B.12021/1/2023-SEC/CADC/73R, Aizawl, May 19, 2023, State Election Commission, Government of Mizoram.
[65] Golden Jubilee Souvenir 1972-2022, Chakma Autonomous District Council, Kamalanagar, Chawngte, 2022, 206.
[66] Ibid., 189.
[67] Ibid., 193.
[68] Ibid., 189.
[69] Ibid., 190.
[70] Ibid., 15-164.
[71] Ibid., 200.
[72] Ibid., 207.
[73] GE to CADC 2018 Results, Mizoram State Election Commission, 2018, retrieved from https://sec.mizoram.gov.in/page/ge-to-cadc-2018-results, retrieved on July 4, 2023.
[74] Chakma Autonomous District Council, 2022, 174.
[75] Ibid., 185.
[76] Chakma Autonomous District Council, 2023.
[77] CADC 11th Term Members, retrieved from https://www.cadc.gov.in/members-of-the-11th-cadc/, retrieved on August 13, 2025.
[78] S.T. Ramhmachhuanmawi and L.Z. Tluanga, Handbook of LADC (Selected Laws with Amendments) (Aizawl: LR Offset, 2011), 279.
[79] Based on interview with T. Chalnghingluaia, Art and Culture Officer, Lai Autonomous District Council at his office on January 19, 2023.
[80] Mara Autonomous District Council, A Compilation of Acts, Rules and Regulations under Mara Autonomous District Council Volume 1 (New Delhi: Spectrum Publications, 2016), 140.
[81] The Mizoram Gazette, The Mara Autonomous District Council (Village Councils) (Amendment) Act, 2012 (Aizawl: Government of Mizoram, 2012).
[82] Mara Autonomous District Council, 2016, 6.
[83] State Election Commission, “The Chakma Autonomous District Council (Constitution, Conduct of Business, Etc.) Rules, 2002 & The Chakma Autonomous District Council (Constitution Conduct of Business, Etc) (Amendment) Rules, 2012,” Government of Mizoram, 2013, 5.
[84] The Mizoram Gazette, “The Chakma Autonomous District Council (Constitution, Conduct of Business Etc.) (Amendment) Rules, 2011,” Government of Mizoram, 2012.
[85] The Mizoram Gazette, “The Chakma Autonomous District Council (Village Councils) (Amendment) Act, 2011,” Government of Mizoram, 2012, 3.
