RESEARCH ARTICLE

LEISHILEMBI TEREM, Delhi Public School
ARTHA MISHRA, Awadh Prabha Vidyapeeth
SHLOK GOENKA, Narayana E-tecno
NZANO ELISE HUMTSOE, Patkai Christian College, Nagaland

A YOUTH MODEL TO DISSOLVE ANTAGONISM IN NORTHEAST INDIA
And Other Ways to Foster Inter-ethnic Empathy in a Survey of Adolescents

ABSTRACT

This study investigates the motivation and inter-ethnic empathy of participants in the Wesean High School Students Forum (WHSF), a Northeast Indian student organization aimed at fostering regional solidarity. The findings of the quantitative survey indicate intrinsic motives to be the most reliable foundations for empathic concern, and the perspective-taking ability (i.e. the cognitive ability to understand and consider another person’s point of view), as well as the motive to foster inter-ethnic harmony. Females were more empathetic than males. The results indicate that adolescent-led initiatives such as the WHSF have the capacity to promote cross-ethnic solidarity in conflict-ridden regions. This localized study demonstrates that the trends observed might reflect broader dynamics in Northeast India, and therefore similar forums in other places could assist adolescent-led social cohesion and peacebuilding.

KEYWORDS
Inter-ethnic empathy, youth agency, student-led initiatives, Northeast India, grassroots’ reconciliation

The Northeastern region of India, encompassing eight states and home to over two hundred distinct ethnic groups, stands out as one of the most culturally diverse and socio-politically complex areas in South Asia.[1] Northeast India shares deep historical and ethnic linkages with many parts of Myanmar and Bangladesh, thus the term Wesea, short for Western Southeast Asia, highlights the shared cultural, linguistic, and ethnic ties among communities in Northeast India, Myanmar, and parts of Bangladesh. This designation emphasizes the region’s interconnectedness, particularly among ethnic groups such as the Zo (including Mizo, Kuki, Chin, and Zomi), Garo, Meitei (Kathe in Myanmar), and Assamese and other groups, who share historical and cultural links across these borders. The term has been adopted by various organizations and cultural groups in a way to foster solidarity and promote regional unity. For instance, the Wesean Student Federation uses this term to advocate for greater recognition and cooperation among these communities, aiming to bridge the restrictive national boundaries that often divide them. In this context, “Wesea” serves as a unifying identity that transcends political borders, reflecting the region’s shared heritage and aspirations.[2]

Despite its rich diversity, the region has long been marred by inter-ethnic tensions, political marginalization[3], and economic disparities, perpetuating a sense of fragmentation among its communities.[4] In this context, the emergence of the Wesean High School Students Forum (WHSF) represents a groundbreaking and transformative initiative, uniquely led and managed entirely by high school students—a demographic often overlooked in discourses on inter-ethnic reconciliation and youth-driven social movements.

Established in 2024 under the broader umbrella of the Wesean Student Federation (WSF), the WHSF distinguishes itself from traditional student organizations by its unprecedented emphasis on the agency of high schoolers.[5] While the WSF provides a structural framework, all activities, initiatives, and leadership roles within the WHSF are conceptualized and executed by adolescents themselves, making it a novel phenomenon in the socio-political landscape of the Wesean region. This initiative challenges conventional hierarchies of youth engagement, which typically position young people as passive recipients of guidance rather than as active agents of change.[6] The WHSF, with an estimated membership of more than 700 students across over 60 secondary schools in Northeast India, Western Myanmar, and also a few members outside the region, thus becomes an important case study for understanding how adolescents, through self-organized and collaborative efforts, can contribute to inter-ethnic empathy, dialogue, and regional solidarity.

1. Theoretical Frameworks Underpinning Adolescent Inter-Ethnic Empathy

The motivations behind the involvement of high school students in the WHSF are multidimensional, shaped by a combination of personal aspirations, socio-cultural influences, and the unique developmental stage of adolescence. Drawing on Self-Determination Theory,[7], it can be posited that students are driven by intrinsic motivations (internal drives or desires to engage in an activity because it is personally meaningful or enjoyable), such as the need for autonomy, competence, and relatedness, as well as extrinsic motivations like social recognition and a desire to challenge the status quo. Adolescents, as Erikson’s (1968) theory of psychosocial development suggests, are at a critical stage of identity formation, where their interactions with peers and broader social systems significantly influence their sense of self.[8] Participation in the WHSF provides them with a platform to explore and assert their emerging identities, particularly within the context of a shared Wesean identity that transcends ethnic and national boundaries. This paper also draws upon Social Identity Theory and considers Pierre Bourdieu’s notion of habitus to understand the mechanisms through which student identities and motivations are socially structured. Additionally, we briefly explore the relevance of Freire’s concept of critical consciousness[9] and Habermas’s communicative action[10] to evaluate how inter-ethnic dialogue emerges within the WHSF.

The formation and activities of the WHSF also align with Social Identity Theory,[11] which posits that individuals derive a significant portion of their self-concept from their membership in social groups. By fostering a superordinate identity, a shared identity that transcends individual group boundaries and promotes unity—one that emphasizes shared cultural and historical ties across ethnic and national lines—the WHSF has the potential to reduce in-group favoritism (a tendency to prefer and support members of one’s own group) and out-group bias (a tendency to have negative attitudes or assumptions about those outside one’s own group) among participants. This is particularly significant in the Wesean context, where ethnic and linguistic differences have often been sources of division. Moreover, the Contact Hypothesis[12] (a social psychology theory that suggests that under certain conditions, direct interaction between members of different social or cultural groups can reduce prejudice and improve intergroup relations) underscores the importance of meaningful intergroup interactions in reducing prejudice.

Empathy in this case is not a static trait but evolves significantly during adolescence. Hoffman’s developmental model outlines four progressive levels—from simple emotional contagion (the automatic, unconscious mimicry and sharing of another person’s emotions) to mature role‑taking (the cognitive process of imagining oneself in another person’s situation), highlighting how by early adolescence individuals begin to grasp others’ enduring life circumstances beyond immediate contexts.[13] Empirical work by Eisenberg and Fabes (1998) demonstrates a measurable uptick in empathy‑related responses from late childhood through mid‑adolescence, suggesting this period is critical for cultivating empathic concern and perspective taking (the cognitive ability to understand and consider another person’s point of view).[14] More recent longitudinal studies reinforce that adolescence is a window during which emotion‑regulation capacities (the ability to manage and respond to one’s emotional experiences in socially acceptable ways), mature alongside social‑cognitive skills (mental abilities involved in understanding others and navigating social interactions), enabling deeper empathic engagement with out‑group peers.[15] By situating WHSF participants within this developmental framework, we can better understand the roots of their empathic shifts and how structured inter-ethnic contact accelerates this process. Perspective-taking in this case, is basically an ability to understand a situation from someone else’s point of view.[16] It thus involves recognizing their thoughts, feelings, and experiences without necessarily sharing them or holding the same views as them.[17] This skill, it follows, is essential for effective communication and empathy, as it helps individuals navigate social interactions and reduce misunderstandings. In the context of the Interpersonal Reactivity Index (IRI),[18] perspective-taking is often measured to assess how often individuals try to see things from another person’s perspective.[19] The WHSF operationalizes this principle by creating structured opportunities for collaboration and dialogue among high school students from diverse backgrounds, enabling them to challenge stereotypes and build mutual understanding.

2. Empathy as a Developmental and Social Construct

What sets the WHSF apart is its radical departure from adult-driven models of youth engagement. Unlike traditional organizations where the involvement of youth is often mediated by adult supervision or guidance, high school students conceive and lead the WHSF.[20] The autonomy not only empowers participants but also disrupts normative assumptions about adolescents’ capacity for leadership and social impact. Drawing on critical theories of agency and resistance,[21] the WHSF can be understood as a site of youth agency, where high schoolers assert their voices in a socio-political context that often marginalizes their perspectives. Their motivation to join the WHSF, therefore, reflects both a desire for personal and social transformation and a resistance to the exclusionary structures that have historically shaped inter-ethnic relations in the region. While adult-led initiatives often structure youth participation within predefined roles, the WHSF’s student-led model resists such top-down approaches, allowing adolescents to redefine social norms through their own leadership and communicative practices.

The hypothesis driving this study is that the WHSF’s student-led model fosters a unique combination of motivation and empathy, making it particularly effective in promoting inter-ethnic understanding and collaboration among adolescents. It is further hypothesized that the autonomy and agency afforded to participants not only enhances their engagement but also amplifies the initiative’s broader impact by challenging entrenched social hierarchies and promoting a grassroots approach to reconciliation.[22] This paper seeks to examine the factors motivating high school students to join the WHSF, the challenges they encounter in their participation, and the broader implications of their involvement in inter-ethnic relations in the Wesean region. Here, Bourdieu’s concept of habitus[23] can add depth—students’ predispositions toward inclusion and empathy[24] may be shaped by accumulated cultural capital[25] such as access to multi-ethnic peer networks,[26] parental encouragement, or schooling in inclusive environments.[27]

By situating the WHSF within the broader socio-cultural and historical context of Northeast India and its transnational linkages with Myanmar and Bangladesh, this study contributes to the understanding of youth-driven social movements in ethnically diverse and conflict-prone regions. The WHSF represents an unprecedented effort to place high school students at the forefront of inter-ethnic reconciliation, offering valuable insights into the potential of adolescent agency[28] in reshaping socio-political landscapes. This initiative not only provides a platform for cultural exchange and collaborative problem-solving but also challenges conventional notions of leadership, demonstrating the transformative power of youth-led efforts in fostering unity and mutual respect across deeply divided communities.[29]

3. Methodology

This study employs a quantitative survey-based research design to explore and quantify the motivations and levels of inter-ethnic empathy among high school students participating in the Wesean High School Students Forum. By relying solely on a structured survey, the methodology ensures simplicity, scalability, and ease of implementation while still capturing key insights into the factors influencing student participation and inter-ethnic interactions.

The target population consists of high school students aged 14–18 years who are active members of the WHSF. Participants were drawn from only Northeast India, and not from the bordering Wesean regions in Myanmar and Bangladesh. They encompass the Garo people, also known as A·chik, a Tibeto-Burman ethnic group primarily residing in the Garo Hills of Meghalaya.[30] Their ancestors are believed to have migrated from Tibet around 400 BCE, settling in the Garo Hills and establishing a distinct culture.[31] Traditionally, the Garo are known for their matrilineal society, where lineage and inheritance pass through the mother.[32] The Zo people encompass several related ethnic groups, including the Mizo, Kuki, Chin, and Zomi, spread across Northeastern India, Myanmar, and Bangladesh.[33] They are part of the larger Tibeto-Burman language family and share linguistic and cultural traits.[34] Historically, these groups migrated from the Mekong River basin thousands of years ago, settling in the mountainous regions of Southeast Asia. In India, these groups are primarily found in Manipur, Mizoram, Nagaland, and Assam.[35] Historically, the Meitei were the ruling class of the Kingdom of Kangleipak (Manipur, 33 CE–1949), and present-day Meitei people are the dominant ethnic group in the Imphal Valley of Manipur, otherwise known as Kangleipak.[36] They speak the Meiteilon language[37] (also known as Manipuri) and have a rich cultural heritage[38] such as classical dance forms and traditional crafts.[39]

The Assamese people[40] are the indigenous inhabitants of the Brahmaputra Valley[41] in Assam.[42] They speak the Assamese language and in the case of this survey Assamese was used to refer to the Tibeto-Burman groups like the Bodos, as well as the Tai-Kadai[43] groups like the Tai Ahoms,[44] alongside Indo-Aryan groups like Bamuns and Kalitas.[45] Assamese culture is known for its classical dance forms, traditional music, and festivals like Bihu, which marks the Assamese New Year and is celebrated with dance, music, and feasting.[46]

A single online survey was used to collect all necessary data. The survey consisted of three sections: demographic information, motivations for participation, and inter-ethnic empathy. The demographic section gathered data on participants’ age, gender, ethnicity, socio-economic background, and geographic location. The motivations for participation were assessed using a modified version of the Academic Motivation Scale,[47] which included items addressing intrinsic motivations, such as the desire to promote inter-ethnic unity or curiosity about other cultures, and extrinsic motivations (external incentives or pressures, such as rewards, recognition, or social approval), such as social recognition and family encouragement. Additional items tailored to the inter-ethnic context assessed understanding and appreciation of the experiences of peers from different ethnic backgrounds, also using a 7-point Likert scale. Inter-ethnic empathy was measured using the Interpersonal Reactivity Index,[48] with a focus on the Empathic Concern and Perspective Taking subscales.

It is important to note that although standardized scales offer reliable measurement, they may overlook the rich, contextual nuances of youth motivation and empathy. Qualitative methods—such as focus groups or semi‑structured interviews—are invaluable for exploring the “why” behind Likert‑scale responses, probing how adolescents articulate their emerging identities and moral concern.[49] Many a time, participatory designs that engage youth as co‑researchers have been shown to surface motivations rooted in cultural narratives and peer dynamics that surveys alone cannot capture.[50] Thus, in this study a small qualitative component could be embedded in the future to allow triangulation (the use of multiple methods or data sources in research to enhance the validity of the findings) of the modified Academic Motivation Scale and Interpersonal Reactivity Index findings, ensuring that the lived experiences of WHSF members inform our theoretical interpretations.

The survey was hosted on SurveyMonkey to ensure accessibility for participants from diverse and geographically dispersed regions, primarily from the Northeastern states of India. Respondents hailed from Saitual district in Mizoram, Garo Hills in Meghalaya, Senapati-Churachandpur district in Manipur, and the Imphal Valley region of Manipur. Additionally, participants from Tezpur, Guwahati, and Dibrugarh in Assam contributed to the survey, reflecting a broad representation across these states. Some participants were also based in Delhi, further diversifying the geographical scope of the survey. Participants received a link to the survey via the WHSF’s communication channels, along with clear instructions on how to complete it. Informed consent was obtained from all participants, and since all WHSF members are mostly minors, additional parental consent was thereby sought and obtained. Participation was voluntary, with the option to withdraw at any time. Data confidentiality was ensured by anonymizing responses and securely storing all records.

4. Results

A total of 150 high school students from Northeast India participated in this study, all of whom were members of the WHSF. The gender distribution was skewed towards females, who constituted the majority of respondents (n = 95, 63.3 percent), while males accounted for 55 participants (36.7 percent). The age range of participants was 14 to 18 years, with a mean age of 16.2 years (SD = 1.2).

Among the ethnic groups represented, Garo students formed the majority (n = 55, 36.7 percent), followed by Zo (n = 40, 26.7 percent), Meitei (n = 30, 20 percent), and Assamese (n = 25, 16.7 percent) (Table 1).

Table 1. Demographic Characteristics of WHSF Participants

Variable	Frequency (n)	Percentage (%)
Gender
Female	95	63.3
Male	55	36.7
Age
14	12	8
15	28	18.7
16	40	26.7
17	35	23.3
18	35	23.3
Ethnicity
Garo	55	36.7
Zo	40	26.7
Meitei	30	20
Assamese	25	16.7

Our analysis of motivations, as assessed using the modified Academic Motivation Scale (AMS), revealed that intrinsic motivations were more prevalent than extrinsic ones. The highest-rated intrinsic motivation was the desire to promote inter-ethnic unity (M = 6.3, SD = 1.0), followed by curiosity about other cultures (M = 6.0, SD = 1.1). Among extrinsic motivations, social recognition (M = 5.4, SD = 1.4) was the most significant driver, followed by family encouragement (M = 4.9, SD = 1.6) (Table 2).

Table 2. Motivations for WHSF Participation

Motivation Factor	Mean ± SD Number of Students Agreeing (Score > 5)	Mean ± SD Number of Students Agreeing (Score > 5)
Promote inter-ethnic unity	6.3 ± 1.0	135 (90.0%)
Curiosity about other cultures	6.0 ± 1.1	128 (85.3%)
Social recognition/ Unification	5.4 ± 1.4	108 (72.0%)
Family encouragement	4.9 ± 1.6	92 (61.3%)
Desire for leadership experience	5.1 ± 1.5	97 (64.7%)

Inter-ethnic empathy was assessed using the Interpersonal Reactivity Index (IRI). The mean score for the Empathic Concern subscale was 5.8 (SD = 1.2), while the Perspective Taking subscale had a mean of 5.6 (SD = 1.1). Further breakdown by ethnicity indicated that Garo and Zo students scored the highest on both measures, whereas Assamese students displayed slightly lower empathy scores on average (Table 3). This suggests that Assamese students studied in this case, had less emotional resonance with other ethnic groups, thereby indicating a reduced tendency to adopt the viewpoints of those outside their state.

Table 3. Inter-Ethnic Empathy Scores by Ethnicity

Ethnicity	Empathic Concern (Mean ± SD)	Perspective Taking (Mean ± SD)
Garo	6.0 ± 1.1	5.8 ± 1.0
Zo	5.9 ± 1.2	5.7 ± 1.1
Meitei	5.6 ± 1.2	5.5 ± 1.1
Assamese	5.4 ± 1.3	5.2 ± 1.2

A multiple regression analysis was conducted to examine the relationship between demographic variables, motivations, and inter-ethnic empathy scores. The analysis revealed that intrinsic motivation to promote inter-ethnic unity was a significant predictor of Empathic Concern (β = 0.44, p < .01) and Perspective Taking (β = 0.39, p < .05). Gender also played a role, with females scoring higher on both empathy measures compared to males (p < .05). The desire for leadership experience was also correlated with higher Perspective Taking scores (β = 0.34, p < .05) (Table 4). These results imply in essence that students who are intrinsically motivated to foster inter-ethnic unity tend to feel more compassion for, and more readily adopt the perspectives of, out-group members. The very fact that females scored higher on both empathy subscales suggests gender differences in empathic engagement. Finally, those seeking leadership experience also demonstrate stronger cognitive empathy, indicating that a desire to lead may be linked with the ability to understand others’ viewpoints.

Table 4. Regression Analysis Predicting Empathic Concern and Perspective Taking

Predictor Variable	β (Empathic Concern)	p-value	β (Perspective Taking)	p-value
Promote inter-ethnic unity	0.44	<.01	0.39	<.05
Curiosity about other cultures	0.36	<.05	0.31	<.05
Social recognition	0.24	>.05	0.2	>.05
Family encouragement	0.21	>.05	0.22	>.05
Leadership experience	0.3	<.05	0.34	<.05
Gender (Female)	0.35	<.05	0.32	<.05

In interviews, some members of WHSF underscored the empathy-leadership connection, which was also echoed by Chinglai Ngamba Moirangthem, a fourteen-year-old Meitei member, who said:

This change indicates the revolutionary potential that empathy and reflection possess in bringing an end to conflict. Enmity between groups can be worn away over time to create room for understanding and reconciliation to grow, by building interpersonal relationships and common experience. This was buttressed by Sneha Singh, another Meitei member and the editor-in-chief of one of the WHSF’s newspapers, The Wesean Times:

Another member, Pravakar Talukdar, a student from Assam, declared: “Always wanted to unite the indigenous people, my thoughts haven’t changed, now I’ve more feelings of unity for every other minority group here, hoping that this organization [the WHSF] makes it better and reforms our society.”

5. Discussion

The overrepresentation of female students within the Wesean High School Students Forum, comprising 63.3 percent of total membership, is a demographic phenomenon of profound sociological significance.[51] This trend is not merely an anomaly within student organizations; rather it reflects broader structural and cultural dynamics inherent in Northeast Indian societies, many of which are characterized by egalitarian social structures. Unlike patriarchal frameworks prevalent in much of South Asia, numerous Northeast Indian communities, particularly the Nagas,[52] Khasis,[53] and Garos, exhibit matrilineal (a social system in which lineage, inheritance, and social identity are traced through the mother’s line), or egalitarian tendencies that afford women substantial agency in social and political domains.[54] Consequently, the predominance of female leadership within the WHSF may be interpreted not as an isolated instance but as an extension of historical patterns of gender parity in public life. This empirical reality necessitates a reconceptualization of conventional gender dynamics in student activism, challenging hegemonic discourses (dominant ideas or narratives that shape societal norms and often marginalize alternative perspectives) that assume male dominance in political leadership across all cultural contexts.[55]

WHSF student members convene in Saitual, Mizoram, for a regional coordination meeting.

WHSF members celebrating Indian Independence Day in Hlimen, Aizawl City of Mizoram.

Additionally, the positive link between leadership aspiration and perspective-taking may perhaps, in a form, hint at something deeper: that young people, especially girls, who envision themselves in leadership roles, often feel a stronger need to understand others’ emotions and viewpoints. This aligns with research done by American psychologist Gilligan Carol suggesting that adolescent girls are socialized to prioritize relational sensitivity,[56] and that empathetic skills often become tied to how they imagine influence and power.[57]

The ethnic composition of the WHSF further provides a critical analytical window into the patterns of student mobilization within the region. The predominance of Garo students in the organization is consistent with the community’s historical engagement in inter-ethnic student movements, particularly in advocating for indigenous rights and regional autonomy.[58] The substantial participation of Zo and Meitei students signifies that these groups perceive the WHSF as an effective platform for political advocacy and cultural articulation. Conversely, the relatively lower representation of Assamese students, despite their demographic prominence in Northeast India, suggests alternative mechanisms of mobilization and political socialization (the process by which individuals develop political beliefs and values, often through family, education, and social groups). Scholarship on Assamese student movements has underscored a preference for ethnic-specific organizational frameworks,[59] which could account for their comparatively limited involvement in the WHSF. This demographic differentiation underscores the heterogeneous nature of student activism in the region, where distinct ethnic groups navigate multiple avenues of engagement contingent upon their historical, cultural, and political affiliations. Student narratives also suggest that involvement in the WHSF may contribute to personal transformations, including increased confidence, expanded inter-ethnic friendships, and changes in perspective. These transformations, however, were not quantitatively measured in this survey.

Perhaps the most consequential finding of this study is the apparent dissolution of inter-group antagonisms between Meitei and Kuki students within the WHSF, a phenomenon that stands in stark contrast to prevailing socio-political tensions characterizing these communities.[60] Meitei-Kuki relations have been marred by episodic conflict[61] and socio-political discord, particularly in the context of Manipur’s[62] ongoing inter-ethnic strife.[63] Here, the WHSF framework appears to provide a structured environment wherein sustained cooperative engagement mitigates these historical hostilities.

Hatngeineng Doungel, a fifteen-year-old Zo (Kuki) member, expressed her solidarity, plainly stating: “Before, I didn’t think I could talk to a Meitei about what happened. But after working on our WHSF project, I realized we both just wanted peace. We both missed our homes.” Her words speak to how empathy, when grounded in shared vulnerability, can offer a meaningful counterweight to inherited divisions.[64] This observation aligns closely with Allport’s (1954) intergroup contact hypothesis, which posits that structured, goal-oriented cooperation fosters mutual understanding and reduces ethnic antagonisms.[65] The convergence of political perspectives among Meitei and Kuki students within the WHSF further corroborates this argument, suggesting that shared student identities and regional consciousness can serve as powerful unifying forces that transcend historical cleavages. This observation challenges broader inter-ethnic narratives in the region, suggesting that student interactions within the WHSF may not always align with prevailing adult discourses.

This emotional resonance is especially clear when listening to voices like that of Estelle Kipgen, a fourteen-year-old WHSF Education Secretary, who is Zo: “Sometimes when we hear about the fighting back home, well, it’s hard to focus on school. But when we come together in the WHSF, it feels like maybe we can change something—even if we’re just kids. I just want people to listen, like really listen, before they judge each other.” Her words here do underscore how the WHSF, in a way, is also acting as a space for emotional refuge and meaning-making in times of upheaval. The implications of this finding thus extend beyond just student politics, as it indicates that under favorable institutional conditions, entrenched ethno-political divisions can be assuaged through structured youth engagement and cooperative dialogue.

The motivational determinants underlying student participation in the WHSF further elucidate the organization’s role as a transformative platform for inter-ethnic solidarity.[66] The predominant motivation—inter-ethnic unity—demonstrates a conscious, agentic commitment to fostering cross-cultural dialogue and mutual comprehension. The strong correlation between leadership aspirations and inter-ethnic empathy suggests that the WHSF does not merely attract students with pre-existing inclinations toward inclusivity but actively inculcates these values through participatory engagement. The prominence of social recognition as a secondary motivational factor underscores the organization’s function as an instrument for visibility and its influence within regional student networks. To put this into perspective, Laishram Bullion (Meitei), General Secretary of the WHSF, and one of the older participants, put it simply:

These findings, thus, align with established sociological theories on collective identity formation, which emphasize the role of institutionalized interaction (regular, structured social engagement within an organization or group setting) in shaping political subjectivities (personal political identities and understandings formed through social experiences) and leadership trajectories.[67]

Our reliance on the Academic Motivation Scale[68] and Interpersonal Reactivity Index[69] (a psychological tool used to measure different aspects of empathy, including emotional concern and the ability to understand others’ perspectives) although is grounded in robust theory, this still merits further elaboration.[70] According to Self‑Determination Theory, motivation exists on a continuum from amotivation (state of lacking any intention or drive to take action) through various forms of extrinsic regulation (engagement in behavior due to external rewards or pressures) to intrinsic motivation, a structure the AMS was expressly designed to capture.[71] Intrinsic drives, such as the desire for autonomy and mastery, are particularly potent during adolescence when identity formation demands meaningful challenges and social relatedness.[72] Similarly, contemporary empathy research distinguishes between affective empathy (automatic emotional resonance) and cognitive perspective-taking (deliberate understanding of another’s viewpoint), both of which undergo significant refinement in teenage years.[73] Thus, in the future, by explicitly mapping the quantitative results onto these dual dimensions, we can more critically assess how student‑led initiatives like the WHSF scaffold both the emotional and cognitive components of inter‑ethnic empathy.

Despite these contributions, there are quite a lot of limitations for this study, which should be addressed in future follow up research. First, our sampling was confined exclusively to high school students in Northeast India, omitting voices from adjacent regions in Myanmar and Bangladesh; this geographic restriction limits the generalizability of our findings to the broader transnational context the forum purports to represent. Second, all data were derived from self‑report questionnaires, which are susceptible to social desirability bias[74] (the tendency of respondents to answer questions in a way that they think will be viewed favorably by others)—particularly in a setting that valorizes inter‑ethnic harmony—and may overstate participants’ true levels of empathy or motivation.[75] Third, the cross‑sectional design captures only a single moment in time, precluding any conclusions about how motivations or empathic dispositions evolve through sustained engagement in the forum. Finally, although we relied on well‑validated instruments, the study’s narrow focus on a single student‑led forum means our insights cannot readily be extrapolated to other youth initiatives or organizational models. Future research employing longitudinal methods,[76] multi‑site comparisons,[77] and mixed‑methods[78] approaches would help address these gaps on the durability and broader applicability of adolescent‑driven peacebuilding efforts.[79]

Looking beyond these limitations, we are confident that the study provides valuable lessons that are able to mirror other adolescents’ perspectives and emotional reactions who have been placed in comparable social and cultural contexts in Northeast India. In spite of its context-bound nature, trends noticed in our study, especially ones regarding inter-ethnic sympathy and communication willingness, articulate broader dynamics felt by youth placed within ethnically diverse and historically fraught areas. In this way, the study is a useful point of entry to comprehend how adolescents negotiate complex identities and relational borders, and is of relevance to educators, policymakers, and peacebuilders operating in comparable settings.

6. Conclusion

The elevated levels of inter-ethnic empathy as observed, particularly among Mizo and Naga students, suggest that the WHSF serves as a vital locus for cultivating cross-community solidarity. Moreover, the substantial presence of women in leadership roles further accentuates the WHSF’s function as an inclusive, progressive institution that enables historically underrepresented groups to exercise substantive agency in student governance. The organization’s ability to foster constructive Meitei-Kuki interactions presents a compelling case for its potential as a model for conflict resolution initiatives beyond the student sphere. If analogous frameworks were institutionalized at broader societal levels, the WHSF’s approach could serve as a replicable mechanism for dismantling ethnic antagonisms and fostering durable regional cohesion in Northeast India. This study thus contributes to the burgeoning corpus of scholarship on youth-led peacebuilding initiatives, demonstrating that structured, inter-ethnic student organizations can function as pivotal instruments in the broader pursuit of social harmony and political stability. The distinctiveness of the WHSF lies not just in its structure but also in its outcomes: the promotion of critical consciousness among students, as theorized by Freire, appears to be emerging organically as students begin to question and resist ethnic hierarchies.

Acknowledgement

We would like to convey our highest appreciation to our parents for the encouragement, support, and understanding given to us throughout the duration of this research work. Their faith in us has been a constant source of inspiration.

We extend our sincere thanks to Ms. Nzano Elise Humtsoe for her direction, criticism, and ever-inspiring presence. Her guidance has been vital in determining the line and scope of this study. We also extend our sincere appreciation to research participants whose time, sincerity, and willingness to share their lives and perspectives enabled us to pursue this study.

Conflict of Interest

Leishilembi is a Meitei, one of the ethnic groups under consideration in this study. In addition, her close friend, Estelle Kipgen, currently serves as the education secretary of the student organization examined in the research. These interests have been disclosed to render the disclosure transparent. The other authors have no conflicts of interest and no personal or institutional relationships with the study’s subjects.

Note on the Author

Leishilembi Terem is a Class Ten high school student, with an interest in botany. Alongside her interest in these fields, she is also interested in policy research and political studies, particularly concerning Northeast India. At the age of seven, she had written her first poem, “The Sky Beneath Loktak,” and a short story, “Salt in the Wind” at the age of eight. She has authored an analytical piece, “A Manufactured Conflict: The Structural Logic of India’s Role in the Manipur Ethnic Violence,” published in the Imphal Review of Arts and Politics. She also wrote an article, “Manipur’s Self-Destructive Strife: How the Meitei-Kuki Conflict Serves External Interests?” for the magazine Indian Currents. In addition, she had penned a realistic fictional short story, The Year the Fireflies Didn’t Come Back on the 2023 Manipur conflict through the eyes of an unnamed teenage Meitei girl, which was published in The Borderless Journal. In the future, she is interested in pursuing a career in law.

Artha Mishra is a Class Eleven high-school student at Awadh Prabha Vidyapeeth and an enthusiastic writer whose work focuses mainly on blending technical clarity with cultural and analytical depth. They are very aspirational about bringing social change and working for the collective good. They got into writing at the age of twelve, writing poetry about a variety of topics like social reform, historical injustices, and human emotions and struggles. They also turned to prose, writing short fictional stories based on real-life struggles and issues, as well as articles and essays on philosophical inquiry, social problems, and science. They also enjoy writing essays, articles, and sketches.

Shlok Goenka is an undergraduate student at Manipal University in Jaipur, Rajasthan, with an interest in physics, computer science, and mathematics. He aspires to pursue research in these fields, especially in areas like quantum physics and classical mechanics. Alongside his academic pursuits, Shlok is deeply passionate about linguistics and philosophy, which he explores through the Sanskrit Server, an online community he founded and manages. His inquisitive nature drives him to seek deeper understanding in both the sciences and the humanities. Beyond academics, Shlok is committed to creating a positive impact, and actively works toward building a more thoughtful and progressive society.

Nzano Elise Humtsoe is a Master’s student at Patkai Christian College, where she focuses on political science, student movements, and contemporary political theory. Her academic interests are in social change and collective action. In her free time, she enjoys reading widely and painting as a way to reflect and recharge. She has presented her work on youth political engagement at the North East India Political Science Students Association (NEIPSA) Conference (2024) and contributed a paper, “Feminism at the Margins: Student Movements and Political Consciousness in Northeast India,” to the MAPS Review. Her broader interests include decolonial theory, feminist political thought, and participatory governance.

END NOTES

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we don't have much unfortunately as we initially did not think of it as scope. this is based on the notes we took, and a follow up we did.